Interview with Political Spokeswoman of SOS Humanity
Mirka Schäfer, political spokesperson for SOS Humanity, was at the EPPC in Brussels on 29 March 2025, where she took part in a panel discussion on the reform of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) and held a workshop for students on search and rescue. In the following interview, we spoke about the conference, the CEAS reform and its impact on the rights of people seeking protection.
The reform of the Common European Asylum System was adopted by the European Parliament on 10 April 2025. What changes are proposed in this reform, and when will they come into force?
The CEAS reform, set to take effect in June 2026, introduces a series of EU legal directives and regulations aimed at establishing uniform standards for asylum procedures. Originally presented as a fresh start, the CEAS reform instead introduces severe tightening measures, undermining the right to asylum through stricter border procedures, accelerated processes, and the expanded use of the “safe third country” concept. Instead of improving the situation at Europe’s external borders, it is very likely that the reform measures lead to more violence, suffering, and deaths.
One of the most critical changes is the imposition of stricter and accelerated border procedures. As a result, many people, including families with children, risk being detained without a thorough examination of their reasons for fleeing, which is at the core of asylum rights.
During the screening and border procedure, the fiction of non-entry applies: although asylum seekers are physically present in a European country, legally they are considered not to have entered. In this phase, asylum seekers are confined to reception facilities at external borders, for up to six months. This practice limits freedom of movement and resembles detention.
Under the new regulations, asylum seekers can be deported to a country deemed “safe” even if they have no substantial connection to it. Contrary to the principle of non-refoulement, people could be forcibly sent to countries where they face danger or lack adequate protection.
The reform does not substantially alter the Dublin system, since it still upholds the first-entry criterion. This principle holds that the first EU member state entered by an asylum seeker is responsible for processing their application, thus keeping the primary responsibility on states located at the EU’s external borders.
A particularly concerning aspect of the reform is the introduction of a “crisis regulation”, allowing EU member states to suspend standard rules by proclaiming a state of “crisis.” This measure could lead to even more restrictive and inhumane treatment of asylum seekers, as it effectively enables countries to invoke emergencies to bypass human rights obligations.
So, the reform mainly focuses on measures of externalization. What does this specifically mean for people seeking protection in Europe?
People seeking protection could be sent back to unsafe countries. This is severely limiting their right to asylum in the EU. Apart from that, the EU risks complicity in human rights violations by outsourcing responsibility. At SOS Humanity, we’ve seen the grim impact of EU cooperation with countries like Libya and Tunisia. In Libya, refugees face arbitrary detention, torture, rape, and slavery. In Tunisia, human rights are not adequately protected either. Refugees and migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa face racism and violence, and many are expelled to the desert without food, water, or shelter. There are even reports of human trafficking.
And to what extent does the CEAS reform affect the precarious situation of children on the move?
The CEAS reform undermines human rights for people on the move, particularly affecting children who are especially vulnerable. Children’s rights organizations have criticized the reform for lacking sufficient safeguards to protect children, especially unaccompanied minors, during asylum procedures. The focus on border security and expedited processes often overlooks their specific needs, raising concerns about detention in unsuitable conditions — violating international standards. Additionally, procedural mechanisms may lead to family separations, causing psychological distress and infringing on children’s rights to family unity.
The Common European Asylum System, which is largely based on the Dublin Regulation, faced structural issues and difficulties in implementation. Therefore, a reform was necessary. In your view, how should this reform have looked like?
In principle, we welcome the idea of a common European asylum system to ensure equally high standards for refugee protection across Europe. A new European asylum system, however, should be based on solidarity and granting the rights and dignity of people seeking protection. Instead of the principle of first entry, the principle of free choice of member state by those seeking protection could be introduced. We can see, that this has worked for Ukrainian refugees, where the temporary protection directive has been activated.
Is search and rescue being addressed in the CEAS reform, and if so, what impact does the reform have on search and rescue operations?
The CEAS reform does not include any measures to stop violence, suffering and deaths at Europe’s external borders. SOS Humanity is one of the NGOs trying to fill the humanitarian gap left behind by EU states’ withdrawal from search and rescue. In the workshop, I spoke about the operational, legal and political context of search and rescue, as well as the challenges we are facing.
What other impressions from the conference in Brussels are you taking back to Berlin?
Every time I speak publicly, I see how shocked people are about what is happening in the Central Mediterranean — also in Brussels. Everyone knows what’s going on, but it’s all too easy to ignore and forget. Yet, as the political opposition grows stronger, we must stand together and resist it: for solidarity and humanity with people on the move.
